El proceso de paz colombiano: una mirada desde la equidad de género
Cargando...
Fecha
2023
Autores
Quintero Méndez, Diana Milena
Rivera Camacho, Jessica Katherine
Correa Guerrero, Leonardo
Título de la revista
ISSN de la revista
Título del volumen
Editor
Ediciones Universidad Simón Bolívar
Facultad de Administración y Negocios
Facultad de Administración y Negocios
Resumen
Este ensayo propone determinar la connotación de la equidad de género como elemento central en el proceso paz gestado en Colombia en el año 2016. Para alcanzar el objetivo planteado se tuvo en cuenta una metodología cualitativa con diseño documental. En este sentido, se presentan las concepciones de paz propuestas por Kant, Galtung y el Instituto de Investigación para la Paz de Oslo, concepto fundamental para entender que fue lo que se pretendió con la firma de los acuerdos. De igual manera, se hace referencia a lo que es la equidad de género tomando en consideración la visión de la Comisión General de Mejora Regulatoria y la Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura, concepto que igualmente importante en el desarrollo del escrito. Desde esta perspectiva, este documento pretende superar la descripción normativa, buscando comprender el rol de la mujer en el conflicto armado. Así mismo, se revisan los aspectos referentes a la equidad de género presentes en el documento del acuerdo final del 2016 y como esto ha incidido en la disminución de la discriminación debida al género. Se concluye que las mujeres han tomado distintos roles en el conflicto, han sido víctimas indirectas, pero también directas al formar parte de grupos al margen de la ley. De igual manera, al revisar las formad de violencia consecuencia del conflicto, la sexual es la de mayor relevancia. De otro lado, un factor importante en el aumento de actos violentos es la asociación narcotráfico guerrilla. De esta perspectiva, el acuerdo de paz propone seis aspectos para lograr la equidad de género: la reforma agraria integral, la participación política, la terminación del conflicto, la terminación del tráfico de drogas, la reparación integral de víctimas y la terminación del conflicto.
En Colombia se ha vivenciado un prolongado conflicto que ha permeado todos los niveles socioeconómicos de la población. En este sentido, Meléndez, Paternina y Velásquez (2018) afirman que, por más de 50 años, ondeando la bandera de reivindicación social, grupos por fuera de la ley han buscado el control territorial, generando un conflicto en él se han visto involucrados todos los grupos poblacionales del país, quienes han sufrido violencia tanto directa como indirecta, dejando una serie de secuelas difíciles de superar.
Las cifras oficiales de la Unidad de Victimas para el 2022 muestran que se han registrado unas 9.379.858 víctimas, de las cuales, 7.451.797 han sido sujeto de atención, mientras que 1.928.061 se reportan como fallecidas, desaparición forzosa, homicidio y no activas para la atención (Unidad para las víctimas, 2022). Esto números oficiales son preocupantes, puesto que algunos sectores consideran que existe un subregistro, lo que significa que estos valores pueden ser mayores.
De otro lado, y haciendo alusión directa a la mujer, Osorio, Ayala, García y Urbina (2018) citando a la Red Nacional de Información reportan que 3.743.200 mujeres han sido víctimas del desplazamiento, 458.333 de homicidio, 192.509 se han expuesto a amenazas, 77.983 han sido reportadas como desaparecidas, 47.559 informan que han perdido sus bienes o inmuebles. De igual manera, por actos terroristas, atentados, combates y hostigamientos la cifra asciende a 41.167, mientras que por delitos con la libertad y la integridad sexual 21.926.
Pero unido a los problemas asociados con el conflicto armado se encuentran otros, siendo el tráfico de drogas uno de los más significativos. En este sentido, en muchos casos guerrilla y narcotráfico han unido sus esfuerzos para mantener el control de algunas zonas del país, tal como lo afirma Molano (2012) la alianza guerrillas narcotráfico se materializo desde la década de los ochenta del siglo XX. El problema del tráfico de sustancias ilícitas ha perjudicado enormemente a Colombia, en especial el de cocaína cuyo sustento es la siembra dispersa en zonas de influencia de la guerrilla, en el procesamiento y contrabando de estupefacientes a países centroamericanos, México, Europa y Estados Unidos. Un negocio altamente lucrativo de donde han sacado provecho todos los actores involucrados generándoles los ingresos suficientes para mantener la escalada de violencia Escalante (2009).
El flagelo de las drogas, trajo consigo el crecimiento de la violencia, que escalo de los encuentros en zonas rurales lejanas a las ciudades, especialmente Cali, Medellín y Bogotá, donde las acciones dejaron cientos de muertes y daños materiales. Es precisamente este crecimiento de la violencia lo que llevo a plantear alternativas de solución.
En este orden de ideas, desde 1990 el gobierno nacional ha liderado procesos de paz con diversos grupos al margen de la ley. Entre ellos se pueden mencionar a los logrados con el Movimiento 19 de abril (M-19), 1990; el Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (PRT), 1991; Ejército Popular de Liberación (EPL), 1991; Movimiento Quintín Lame (MAQL), 1991; Corriente de Renovación Socialista (CRS), 1994; Frente Francisco Garnica de la Coordinadora Guerrillera, 1994 (Meléndez, Paternina y Velásquez, 2018). Sin embargo, el de mayor relevancia fue el gestado durante el gobierno de Juan Manuel Santos, quien, en el año 2016, tras un largo periodo de negociaciones logro firmar un acuerdo definitivo con las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), esto con la finalidad alcanzar una disminución del conflicto en todas las zonas del territorio nacional, como consecuencia se vive una etapa de post conflicto, donde han salido a relucir todas aquellas situaciones vividas durante más de cinco décadas, en las que la población civil ha sido la más afecta (Meléndez, Paternina y Velásquez, 2018).
Es precisamente desde esta visión, que el presente documento centra su atención en entender como se ha dado el proceso de paz en Colombia, pero desde la visión de la equidad de género, razón por la cual se guía por la pregunta ¿Cuál ha sido el rol del enfoque de género como medio para restablecer los derechos de la mujer, en el contexto de violencia colombiano? En este sentido, el objetivo general es: determinar si la equidad de género es un elemento central en proceso paz colombiano.
This test proposes to determine the connotation of gender equity as a central element in the peace process in Colombia in 2016. In order to achieve the stated objective, a qualitative methodology with documentary design was used. In this sense, the conceptions of peace proposed by Kant, Galtung and the Peace Research Institute of Oslo are presented, a fundamental concept to understand what was intended with the signing of the agreements. Likewise, reference is made to gender equity taking into consideration the vision of the General Commission for Regulatory Improvement and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, a concept that is equally important in the development of the document. From this perspective, this document intends to go beyond the normative description, seeking to understand the role of women in the armed conflict. Likewise, the aspects referring to gender equity present in the 2016 final agreement document are reviewed and how this has had an impact on the decrease of discrimination due to gender. It is concluded that women have taken different roles in the conflict, they have been indirect victims, but also direct victims by being part of groups outside the law. Similarly, when reviewing the forms of violence resulting from the conflict, sexual violence is the most relevant. On the other hand, an important factor in the increase of violent acts is the association between drug trafficking and guerrilla groups. From this perspective, the peace agreement proposes six aspects to achieve gender equity: comprehensive agrarian reform, political participation, termination of the conflict, termination of drug trafficking, comprehensive reparations for victims, and termination of the conflict. Colombia has experienced a prolonged conflict that has permeated all socioeconomic levels of the population. In this sense, Meléndez, Paternina and Velásquez (2018) state that, for more than 50 years, waving the flag of social vindication, groups outside the law have sought territorial control, generating a conflict in which all population groups in the country have been involved, who have suffered both direct and indirect violence, leaving a series of sequels that are difficult to overcome. The official figures of the Victims Unit for 2022 show that some 9,379,858 victims have been registered, of which 7,451,797 have been the subject of attention, while 1,928,061 are reported as deceased, forced disappearance, homicide and not active for attention (Victims Unit, 2022). These official numbers are worrisome, since some sectors consider that there is an underreporting, which means that these values may be higher. On the other hand, and directly alluding to women, Osorio, Ayala, García and Urbina (2018) citing the National Information Network report that 3,743,200 women have been victims of displacement, 458,333 of homicide, 192,509 have been exposed to threats, 77,983 have been reported as missing, 47,559 report that they have lost their property or real estate. Similarly, for terrorist acts, attacks, combat and harassment the figure rises to 41,167, while for crimes against freedom and sexual integrity 21,926. But together with the problems associated with the armed conflict there are others, drug trafficking being one of the most significant. In this sense, in many cases guerrillas and drug trafficking have joined forces to maintain control of some areas of the country, as Molano (2012) states, the alliance between guerrillas and drug trafficking materialized since the eighties of the twentieth century. The problem of trafficking of illicit substances has greatly harmed Colombia, especially cocaine, whose sustenance is the dispersed planting in areas of guerrilla influence, in the processing and smuggling of narcotics to Central American countries, Mexico, Europe and the United States. A highly lucrative business from which all the actors involved have profited, generating sufficient income to maintain the escalation of violence Escalante (2009). The scourge of drugs brought with it the growth of violence, which escalated from encounters in rural areas far from the cities, especially Cali, Medellin and Bogota, where the actions left hundreds of deaths and material damage. It is precisely this growth of violence that led to propose alternative solutions. In this regard, since 1990 the national government has led peace processes with various illegal groups. Among them we can mention those achieved with the April 19 Movement (M-19), 1990; the Revolutionary Workers' Party (PRT), 1991; Popular Liberation Army (EPL), 1991; Quintín Lame Movement (MAQL), 1991; Socialist Renewal Current (CRS), 1994; Francisco Garnica Front of the Guerrilla Coordinator, 1994 (Meléndez, Paternina and Velásquez, 2018). However, the most relevant one was the one that took place during the government of Juan Manuel Santos, who, in 2016, after a long period of negotiations managed to sign a definitive agreement with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), this with the aim of achieving a reduction of the conflict in all areas of the national territory, as a consequence, a post-conflict stage is being experienced, where all those situations experienced for more than five decades, in which the civilian population has been the most affected, have come to light (Meléndez, Paternina and Velásquez, 2018). It is precisely from this vision that this document focuses its attention on understanding how the peace process has taken place in Colombia, but from the perspective of gender equity, which is why it is guided by the question: What has been the role of the gender approach as a means to restore women's rights in the context of violence in Colombia? In this sense, the general objective is: to determine if gender equity is a central element in the Colombian peace process
This test proposes to determine the connotation of gender equity as a central element in the peace process in Colombia in 2016. In order to achieve the stated objective, a qualitative methodology with documentary design was used. In this sense, the conceptions of peace proposed by Kant, Galtung and the Peace Research Institute of Oslo are presented, a fundamental concept to understand what was intended with the signing of the agreements. Likewise, reference is made to gender equity taking into consideration the vision of the General Commission for Regulatory Improvement and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, a concept that is equally important in the development of the document. From this perspective, this document intends to go beyond the normative description, seeking to understand the role of women in the armed conflict. Likewise, the aspects referring to gender equity present in the 2016 final agreement document are reviewed and how this has had an impact on the decrease of discrimination due to gender. It is concluded that women have taken different roles in the conflict, they have been indirect victims, but also direct victims by being part of groups outside the law. Similarly, when reviewing the forms of violence resulting from the conflict, sexual violence is the most relevant. On the other hand, an important factor in the increase of violent acts is the association between drug trafficking and guerrilla groups. From this perspective, the peace agreement proposes six aspects to achieve gender equity: comprehensive agrarian reform, political participation, termination of the conflict, termination of drug trafficking, comprehensive reparations for victims, and termination of the conflict. Colombia has experienced a prolonged conflict that has permeated all socioeconomic levels of the population. In this sense, Meléndez, Paternina and Velásquez (2018) state that, for more than 50 years, waving the flag of social vindication, groups outside the law have sought territorial control, generating a conflict in which all population groups in the country have been involved, who have suffered both direct and indirect violence, leaving a series of sequels that are difficult to overcome. The official figures of the Victims Unit for 2022 show that some 9,379,858 victims have been registered, of which 7,451,797 have been the subject of attention, while 1,928,061 are reported as deceased, forced disappearance, homicide and not active for attention (Victims Unit, 2022). These official numbers are worrisome, since some sectors consider that there is an underreporting, which means that these values may be higher. On the other hand, and directly alluding to women, Osorio, Ayala, García and Urbina (2018) citing the National Information Network report that 3,743,200 women have been victims of displacement, 458,333 of homicide, 192,509 have been exposed to threats, 77,983 have been reported as missing, 47,559 report that they have lost their property or real estate. Similarly, for terrorist acts, attacks, combat and harassment the figure rises to 41,167, while for crimes against freedom and sexual integrity 21,926. But together with the problems associated with the armed conflict there are others, drug trafficking being one of the most significant. In this sense, in many cases guerrillas and drug trafficking have joined forces to maintain control of some areas of the country, as Molano (2012) states, the alliance between guerrillas and drug trafficking materialized since the eighties of the twentieth century. The problem of trafficking of illicit substances has greatly harmed Colombia, especially cocaine, whose sustenance is the dispersed planting in areas of guerrilla influence, in the processing and smuggling of narcotics to Central American countries, Mexico, Europe and the United States. A highly lucrative business from which all the actors involved have profited, generating sufficient income to maintain the escalation of violence Escalante (2009). The scourge of drugs brought with it the growth of violence, which escalated from encounters in rural areas far from the cities, especially Cali, Medellin and Bogota, where the actions left hundreds of deaths and material damage. It is precisely this growth of violence that led to propose alternative solutions. In this regard, since 1990 the national government has led peace processes with various illegal groups. Among them we can mention those achieved with the April 19 Movement (M-19), 1990; the Revolutionary Workers' Party (PRT), 1991; Popular Liberation Army (EPL), 1991; Quintín Lame Movement (MAQL), 1991; Socialist Renewal Current (CRS), 1994; Francisco Garnica Front of the Guerrilla Coordinator, 1994 (Meléndez, Paternina and Velásquez, 2018). However, the most relevant one was the one that took place during the government of Juan Manuel Santos, who, in 2016, after a long period of negotiations managed to sign a definitive agreement with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), this with the aim of achieving a reduction of the conflict in all areas of the national territory, as a consequence, a post-conflict stage is being experienced, where all those situations experienced for more than five decades, in which the civilian population has been the most affected, have come to light (Meléndez, Paternina and Velásquez, 2018). It is precisely from this vision that this document focuses its attention on understanding how the peace process has taken place in Colombia, but from the perspective of gender equity, which is why it is guided by the question: What has been the role of the gender approach as a means to restore women's rights in the context of violence in Colombia? In this sense, the general objective is: to determine if gender equity is a central element in the Colombian peace process
Descripción
Palabras clave
Acuerdo de paz, Equidad de género, Proceso de paz, Violencia de género, Gender equity, Gender violence, Peace agreement, Peace process
